Great Depression, Canada: Difference between revisions
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[[Canada]] was hard hit by the [[Great Depression]]. Between 1929 and 1933, the gross national product dropped 40% (compared to 37% in the US). Unemployment reached 27% at the depth of the Depression in 1933. Many businesses closed, as fat corporate profits of $396 million in 1929 turned into losses of $98 million in 1933. Families saw most or all of their assets disappear, and their debts become heavier as prices fell. Canadian exports shrank by 50% from 1929 to 1933. Worst hit were areas dependent on primary industries such as farming, mining and logging, as prices fell and there were few alternative jobs. | [[Canada]] was hard hit by the [[Great Depression]]. Between 1929 and 1933, the gross national product dropped 40% (compared to 37% in the US). Unemployment reached 27% at the depth of the Depression in 1933. Many businesses closed, as fat corporate profits of $396 million in 1929 turned into losses of $98 million in 1933. Families saw most or all of their assets disappear, and their debts become heavier as prices fell. Canadian exports shrank by 50% from 1929 to 1933. Worst hit were areas dependent on primary industries such as farming, mining and logging, as prices fell and there were few alternative jobs. | ||
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Revision as of 00:02, 14 June 2007
Canada was hard hit by the Great Depression. Between 1929 and 1933, the gross national product dropped 40% (compared to 37% in the US). Unemployment reached 27% at the depth of the Depression in 1933. Many businesses closed, as fat corporate profits of $396 million in 1929 turned into losses of $98 million in 1933. Families saw most or all of their assets disappear, and their debts become heavier as prices fell. Canadian exports shrank by 50% from 1929 to 1933. Worst hit were areas dependent on primary industries such as farming, mining and logging, as prices fell and there were few alternative jobs.
Pre-Depression
In the years between 1900 and 1929, Canada had the world's fastest growing economy, with only a sharp but brief recession during World War I. The 1920s had been an especially successful period of growth, with living standards improving markedly.
The depression started slowly but quickened as the entire world was affected and exports fell. Factories reduced work weeks, due to lack of sales, and people were laid off. People without jobs were unable to buy products. The stores dropped their prices but that did not increase sales. Real wages of employees did not fall--for those still employed--but their weekly hours of work shrank.
Statistics
Real GNP | |||
Canada | USA | Can/USA | |
1929 | 100 | 100 | 100% |
1930 | 91.6 | 87.7 | 104% |
1931 | 77 | 79.7 | 97% |
1932 | 66.5 | 65.9 | 101% |
1933 | 59.6 | 62 | 96% |
1934 | 64.5 | 65.3 | 99% |
1935 | 67.1 | 71.5 | 94% |
1936 | 67.5 | 76.4 | 88% |
1937 | 71.8 | 80 | 90% |
1938 | 69.7 | 73.2 | 95% |
1939 | 72.4 | 76.1 | 95% |
source: data source
The United States and world trade
The fall in commodity prices also hurt the United States. In October of 1929, this contributed to a massive stock crash known as Black Tuesday. The Stock Market crash, coupled with the Federal Reserve's reduction in the money supply by one-third turned a recession into a full depression. Given the close economic links between the two countries, the collapse quickly affected Canada. Added to the woes of the prairies were those of Ontario and Quebec, whose manufacturing industries were now victims of over production. Massive lay-offs occurred and other companies collapsed into bankruptcy. This collapse was not as sharp as that in the United States, but was the second sharpest collapse in the world.
Canada did have some advantages over other countries, especially its extremely stable bank system that had no failures during the entire depression, compared to over 9,000 small banks that collapsed in the United States.
Canada was hurt so badly because of its reliance on wheat and other commodities, whose prices fell by over 50% and because of the importance of international trade. In the 1920's about 25% of the Canadian Gross National Product was derived from exports. The first reaction of the U.S. was to raise tariff via the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, passed into law June 17, 1930. This hurt the Canadian economy more than most other countries in the world, and Canada retaliated by raising its own rates on American imports and by switching business to the Empire.
The British introduction of trade protectionism and a system of Commonwealth preference during the winter of 1931-32 helped Canada and Australia avoid external default on their public debt. The onset of the depression created critical balance of payment deficits, and it was largely the extension of imperial protection by Great Britain that gave Australia and Canada the opportunity to increase their exports to the British market. By 1938 the United Kingdom was importing more than twice the 1929 volume of products from Australia, while the value of products shipped from Canada more than doubled, despite the dramatic drop in prices. Thus, the British market played a vital role in helping Canada and Australia stabilize their balance of payments in the immensely difficult economic conditions of the 1930s.[1]
Economic hardship
The contraction period of the depression in Canada lasted from May 1929 until 1933. After that there was a steady, slow upswing until 1939, when improvement came rapidly.
Urban unemployment nationwide was 19%; Toronto's rate was 17%, according to the census of 1931. Farmers who stayed on their farms were not considered unemplyed.[2] By 1933, 30% of the labour force was out of work, and one fifth of the population became dependent on government assistance. Wages fell as did prices. Gross National Expenditure had declined 42% from the 1929 levels. In some areas, the decline was far worse. In the rural areas of the prairies, two thirds of the population were on relief.
Further damage was the reduction of investment: both large companies and individuals were unwilling and unable to invest in new ventures.
In 1932, industrial production was only at 58% of the 1929 level, the second lowest level in the world after the United States, and well behind nations such as Britain, which only saw it fall to 83% of the 1929 level. Total national income fell to 55% of the 1929 level, again worse than any nation other than the United States.
Social impact=
Hoboes, transients and homeless
James Skitt Matthews's "The `Jungles' of 1931" was the first history of Canadian life during the Great Depression. His short essay, published in Early Vancouver: Narratives of Pioneers in 1932, told the story of transient homeless men, who in this case lived in a makeshift settlement on Vancouver's waterfront. For Matthews, this hobo jungle stood as a powerful sign of the beneficent impulses of local elites and the loyalty of the lower orders, and thus paralleled the civilizing projects of the West Coast's empire builders in the 1880's. McCallum (2006) uses archival evidence to report a different interpretation. A sizeable minority of tramps departed from Matthews's script and organized the provision of food and shelter according to their own set of mutualist principles. Many transients refused to work for less than a living wage, some mocked those who provided them with aid, and some even stole a warehouse. This activity should be understood as evidence of a contradictory yet critical consciousness at odds with the values of Matthews's first history of the Great Depression.[3]
Women
Women held 25-30% of the jobs in the cities.[4] Srigley, (2005) uses oral histories with the primary sources (newspapers, the census, and other government records) to examine women's employment during the Great Depression in Toronto. She shows how privilege and disadvantage based on race and ethnicity, gender, and class influenced women's work experiences. Employed as bluw collar workers in the garment industry or as clerical workers, domestics, and teachers, the working women of Toronto experienced varied levels of economic stability, came from distinct ethnic backgrounds, and encountered different job options in a period when employment access was particularly important for women and their families. For historians, Srigley concludes, gender should not be given analytical predominance for understanding all depression-era labor markets. In some historical contexts and for some women, gender had less relevance to their experiences than race, ethnicity, or class.[5]
Government reaction
Early responses
At the start of the Depression, the provincial and municipal governments were already in debt after an expansion of infrastructure and education during the 1920s. It thus fell to the federal government to try to improve the economy. When the Depression began William Lyon Mackenzie King was Prime Minister. He believed that the crisis would pass, refused to provide federal aid to the provinces, and only introduced moderate relief efforts.
World War I veterans built on a history of postwar political activism to play an important role in the expansion of state-sponsored social welfare in Canada. Arguing that their wartime sacrifices had not been properly rewarded, veterans claimed that they were entitled to state protection from poverty and unemployment on the home front. The rhetoric of patriotism, courage, sacrifice, and duty created powerful demands for jobs, relief, and adequate pensions that should, veterans argued, be administered as a right of social citizenship and not a form of charity. At the local, provincial, and national political levels, veterans fought for compensation and recognition for their war service, and made their demands for jobs and social security a central part of emerging social policy.[6]
The Liberal Party lost the 1930 election to Richard Bedford Bennett and his Conservative Party. Bennett, a successful western businessman, campaigned on high tariffs and large scale spending. Make-work programs were begun, and welfare and other assistance programs became vastly larger. This led to a large federal deficit, however. Bennett became wary of the budget shortfalls by 1932, and cut back severely on federal spending. This only deepened the depression as government employees were put out of work and public works projects were cancelled.
One of the greatest burdens on the government was the Canadian National Railway (CNR). The federal government had taken over a number of defunct and bankrupt railways during World War I and the 1920s. The debt the government assumed was over $2 billion, a massive sum at the time, but during the boom years it seemed payable. The Depression turned this debt into a crushing burden. Due to the decrease in trade, the CNR also began to lose substantial amounts of money during the Depression, and had to be further bailed out by the government.
Canadian New Deal
With falling support and the depression only getting worse, Bennett attempted to introduce policies based on the New Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the United States. Bennett thus called for a minimum wage, unemployment insurance and other such programs. This effort was largely unsuccessful, the provinces challenged the rights of the federal government to manage these programs. Unlike Roosevelt, who simply threatened to stack the Supreme Court of the United States to defeat any constitutional challenges, Canada's supreme court at this time was the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, an institution controlled by Great Britain.
The failure to fully restore the economy led to Bennett's defeat in the 1935 election when King and the Liberals returned to power.
Nevertheless, by this time the worst of the Depression was over. King's government implemented some relief programs such as the National Housing Act and National Employment Commission, and it established Trans-Canada Airlines (1937, the predecessor to Air Canada). It took until 1939 and the outbreak of war for the Canadian economy to return to 1929 levels, however.
One of the most important lasting effects of the depression was the new role of government. Under Bennett and Mackenzie King the first elements of Canada's welfare state were created, and the size and role of the government began to grow immensely over the next decades.
Contending philosophies
Kelly (2004) found the debates on national policy used three different political philosophies: social democracy, republicanism, and corporatism. The federal political parties were influenced by these in different ways. This crucial period is characterized by two distinct moments. In 1934-35, H. H. Stevens and R. B. Bennett proposed a bold synthesis of the republican and social-democratic paths, operating through a vigorous struggle against economic concentration by means of strict market regulation. Between 1937 and 1943, William Lyon Mackenzie King proposed a change of direction that fit more exclusively within the philosophical framework of social democracy. Leaving aside the struggle against economic concentration, the Canadian state took up the use of fiscal tools to stimulate consumption and economic growth. The first New Deal fell through in the midst of a quarrel that split the Conservative Party. The second New Deal succeeded and confirmed the hegemony of the Liberal Party on the federal political scene.[7]
Labour issues
The judicial and political failure of Bennett's New Deal legislation shifted the struggle to reconstitute capitalism to the provincial and municipal levels of the state. Attempts to deal with the dislocations of the Great Depression in Ontario focused on the "sweatshop crisis" that came to dominate political and social discourse after 1934. Ontario's 1935 Industrial Standards Act (ISA) was designed to bring workers and employers together under the auspices of the state to establish minimum wages and work standards. The establishment of New Deal style industrial codes was premised on the mobilization of organized capital and organized labor to combat unfair competition, stop the spread of relief-subsidized labor, and halt the predations of sweatshop capitalism. Although the ISA did not bring about extensive economic regulation, it excited considerable interest in the possibility of government intervention. Workers in a diverse range of occupations, from asbestos workers to waitresses, attempted to organize around the possibility of the ISA. The importance of the ISA lies in what it reveals about the nature of welfare, wage labor, the union movement, competitive capitalism, business attitudes toward industrial regulation, and the role of the state in managing the collective affairs of capitalism. The history of the ISA also suggests that "regulatory unionism," as described by Colin Gordon in his work on the American New Deal, may have animated key developments in Canadian social, economic, and labor history.[8]
Developments in Prairies and BC
The dissatisfaction with the government during the Depression resulted in a rise of third party activity in Canada. Some remnants of the Progressive Party from the 1920s organized to form the Social Credit Party of Canada (Socred). In Alberta in 1935, radio evangelist William Aberhart led the newly formed Social Credit Party of Alberta to electoral victory when he was elected premier. According to "Bible Bill," as he was called by his detractors, the capitalist economy produced goods and services but did not provide people with sufficient purchasing power to enjoy them. This could be remedied by the distribution of money in the form of social credit. In office, he found he could not translate his ideas into reality. The party nonetheless proved durable at the provincial level, notably with the Social Credit Party of British Columbia that ruled that province for decades under W.A.C. Bennett.
Elements of the progressive left consolidated to form the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), a socialist party that achieved some success and was the precursor to the New Democratic Party. J.S. Woodsworth, the party's leader, was a vocal fixture in the Canadian House of Commons, and CCF candidates routinely won a portion of seats in provincial and municipal elections. The radical left also consolidated in the 1930s under the leadership of the Communist Party of Canada, which provoked great controversy when the government persecuted the party under the criminal code.
During the depression, there was a rise of working class militancy. Organized labour largely retreated in response to the ravages of the depression at the same time that significant portions of the working class, including the unemployed, clamoured for collective action. Filling this leadership void was the Communist Party's "Workers' Unity League,: which sought to building a revolutionary trade union movement under a policy of dual unionism. Numerous strikes and protests were led by the Communists, many of which culminated in violent clashes with the police. Some notable ones include a miner's strike in Estevan, Saskatchewan that left three strikers dead by RCMP bullets in 1931, a waterfront strike in Vancouver that culminated with the "Battle of Ballantyne Pier" in 1935, and numerous unemployed demonstrations up to and including the On-to-Ottawa Trek that left one Regina police constable and one protester dead in the "Regina Riot." Although the actual number of Communist Party militants remained small, their impact was far disproportionate to their numbers, in large part because of the anticommunist reaction of the government, especially the policies of R. B. Bennett who vowed to crush Communism in Canada with an "iron heel of ruthlessness." These conflicts diminished after 1935, when the Communist Party shifted strategies and Bennett's Conservatives were defeated. Agitation and unrest nonetheless persisted throughout the depression, marked by periodic clashes, such as a sitdowners' strike in Vancouver that ended with "Bloody Sunday." These developments had far-reaching consequences in shaping the postwar environment, including the domestic cold war climate, the rise of the welfare state, and the implementation of an institutional framework for industrial relations.
In 1929 the city of Saskatoon initiated a series of "work for wages" schemes designed to provide its residents with work. Financed by all three levels of government - municipal, provincial, and federal - but implemented entirely at the municipal level, the work relief projects enjoyed early success in keeping urban unemployment within at least manageable levels. But work relief's effectiveness in dealing with urban unemployment proved largely dependent on the duration and relative severity of the economic downturn. Between 1929 and 1932, most viewed the depression as a temporary anomaly, a short-term emergency requiring no more than short-term emergency measures. But after nearly three years of worsening social conditions coupled with increasing numbers of unemployed, the characterization of the economic situation as a short-term emergency foundered - the depression had become a long-term crisis. By the spring of 1932, the federal and provincial abandonment of public works in favor of the cheaper, more efficient direct relief marked this change in perception. [9]
Recovery
While the Canadian economy had slowly been recovering after 1933, it took the outbreak of World War II in 1939 to pull Canada out of the depression. Newfoundland recovered rapisly as well, with American money pouring in to build bases. From 1939, an increased demand in Europe for materials, and increased spending by the Canadian government created a strong boost for the economy. Unemployed men enlisted in the military. By 1939, Canada was in the first prosperity period in the business cycle in a decade.
This coincided with the recovery in the American economy, which created a better market for exports and a new inflow of much needed capital.
Bibliography
Surveys
- Broadfoot, Barry. Ten Lost Years: 1929-1939: Memories of Canadians Who Survived the Depression. Toronto: Doubleday, 1973. 390 pp.
- Berton, Pierre. The Great Depression, 1929-1939. McClelland and Stewart, 1990. popular history
- Victor Hoar, ed., The Great Depression (1969) includes recollections of the 1930s
- Neatby, H. Blair; The Politics of Chaos: Canada in the Thirties Macmillan of Canada, (1972) online version
Politics and public policy
- Robert L. Ascah; Politics and Public Debt: The Dominion, the Banks, and Alberta's Social Credit University of Alberta Press, 1999 online version
- Campbell, Lara. "'We Who Have Wallowed in the Mud of Flanders': First World War Veterans, Unemployment and the Development of Social Welfare in Canada, 1929-39." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association (2000) 11: 125-149. Issn: 0847-4478 Fulltext in Erudit
- Cook, Ramsay, ed. Politics of Discontent (1967), with articles on Aberhart, George McCullagh, Pattullo and the Reconstruction Party.
- Fisher, Robin. "The Decline of Reform: British Columbia Politics in the 1930s." Journal of Canadian Studies 1990 25
- E. C. Hughes, French Canada in Transition (1943), sociological study
- John Irving, The Social Credit Movement in Alberta (1959)
- S. M. Lipset, Agrarian Socialism (1950), on CCF
- Dean E. McHenry; The Third Force in Canada: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, 1932-1948 U of California Press, 1950 online version
- Neatby, H. Blair; William Lyon Mackenzie King, 1924-1932: The Lonely Heights University of Toronto Press, 1963 online version
- Neatby, H. Blair; William Lyon Mackenzie King: 1932-1939: the Prism of Unity, University of Toronto Press, 1976 online version
- Walter Young, The Anatomy of a Party: The National C.C.F. (Toronto, 1969)
Economics
- V. C. Fowke, The National Policy and the Wheat Economy (1957)
- Rogers, Sean Harris. "Depression and War: Three Essays on the Canadian Economy, 1930-1945." PhD dissertation McGill U. 2000. 245 pp. DAI 2003 63(7): 2644-2645-A. DANQ70191 Fulltext in ProQuest Dissertations & Theses
- Rooth, Tim and Taylor, Rebecca. "Exports and External Adjustment During the Slump: the British Market, Australia and Canada During the 1930s." Journal of European Economic History 2001 30(3): 569-595. Issn: 0391-5115
- E. A. Safarian, The Canadian Economy and the Great Depression (1959) has data on public and private investment in the major sectors of the economy
- Strikwerda, Eric J. "From Short-term Emergency to Long-term Crisis: Public Works Projects in Saskatoon, 1929-1932." Prairie Forum 2001 26(2): 169-186. Issn: 0317-6282
Labour
- Frager, Ruth. Sweatshop Strife: Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Jewish Labour Movement, 1900–1939 (Toronto 1992);
- Klee, Marcus. "Fighting the Sweatshop in Depression Ontario: Capital, Labour and the Industrial Standards Act." Labour 2000 (45): 13-51. Issn: 0700-3862
Women and families
- Baillargeon, Denyse; Making Do: Women, Family and Home in Montreal during the Great Depression. Wilfrid Laurier U. Press, 1999. 232 pp.
- James Gray, The Winter Years (1966) describes life in Winnipeg during the depression
- McLachlan, Elizabeth. With Unshakeable Persistence: Rural Teachers of the Depression Era. Edmonton: NeWest, 1999. 187 pp.
- Sangster, Joan. Earning Respect: The Lives of Working Women in Small Town Ontario, 1920–1960 (Toronto 1995)
- Strong-Boag, Veronica. The New Day Recalled: Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada, 1919–1939 (Toronto 1988).
References
- ↑ Rooth and Taylor (2001)
- ↑ Canada, Bureau of the Census, Unemployment Vol. VI (Ottawa 1931), 1,267
- ↑ Todd Mccallum, "The Great Depression's First History? The Vancouver Archives of Major J. S. Matthews and the Writing of Hobo History." Canadian Historical Review 2006 87(1): 79-107. Issn: 0008-3755 Fulltext: in Project Muse
- ↑ In Toronto women held 28%; in Winnipeg 26%; in Montréal 25%. Canada, Bureau of the Census, Occupations and Industries Vol. VII (Ottawa 1931), 226, 250, 190.
- ↑ Katrina Srigley, "'In Case You Hadn't Noticed!' Race, Ethnicity, and Women's Wage-earning in a Depression-era City." Labour 2005 (55): 69-105. Issn: 0700-3862 Fulltext: in History Cooperative
- ↑ Campbell (2000)
- ↑ Stéphane Kelly, "Les Origines Antiliberales du New Deal Canadien." Recherches Sociographiques 2004 45(2): 259-287. Issn: 0034-1282
- ↑ Klee (2000); Colin Gordon, New Deals: Business, Labor, and Politics in America, 1920-1935 (1994)
- ↑ Strikwerda, (2001)