Ulster Unionism
Ulster Unionism as an ideology first found prominence as far back as the Ulster Plantation in the early seventeenth century when Scottish and some English colonists travelled to six counties in Ulster to establish communities, towns and farms. They mainly settled in Tyrone, Donegal, Armagh, Fermanagh, Derry and Cavan. The new colonists did not integrate into the indigenous culture like the previous wave of invaders had done and they left a legacy of loyalty to the crown in an otherwise rebellious island.
Origins
Around the time of the Home Rule Movement, Charles Stewart Parnell had organised his Home Rule party into a national force which swept through Ireland and even took a seat in Liverpool in the 1885 elections. The concerted aims of the Home Rule Party was a form of national self determination. The Home Rule movement wished to have an independant parliament capable of legislating for Irish interests, and although they had won the balance of power several times in the Liberal Parties British House of Commons, their Home Rule Bill never progressed further than the Conservative parties House of Lords.
Unionists throughout the country detested the thought of Irish Home Rule, considering it to be Rome Rule, as in, rule of the Catholic majority as well as worrying about economic costs. This all culminated in a series of rallies in Ulster which made the region much more volatile and eventually the formation of the Ulster Volunteer force in 1913. Eoin O' Neill then found the Irish Volunteers in 1913 in retaliation. Both sides smuggled arms into the country, but the Ulster Volunteer force was able to exploit an old statute which allowed citizens to drill and train with weapons so long as it was in the expressed defence of the monarchy. The Irish Volunteers, on the other hand, had no such luxury and any weapons they imported, such as at the Howth gun running, were strictly illegal. The Civil War that many predicted however didn't happen, largely because of the advent of World War I in 1914, which caused hundreds of thousands of Unionists and Nationalists to go and fight for Britain. This also stalled John Redmonds third Home Rule Bill from progressing into law until the end of the war.
The Easter Rising of 1916 however ensured that Home Rule would not be enough for the now radicalised Irish population, as many Irish Catholics now regarded complete independance as being the only viable result of any dealing with Britain. At the height of the Irish War of Independance the British parliament passed the Government of Ireland act, 1920 which officially partitioned the island into Southern Ireland (Eire) and Northern Ireland. The war continued on nonetheless, and the rebels largely ignored the act as being unimportant to their war effort. The ensuing years saw the beginning of the Irish Troubles a conflict that had its roots in the pre-World War II era but is considered to have lasted from 1969-1998.
Ulster Unionist political theory
Ulster Unionism as an ideology or political theory possesses three archs - Political, economic and religious.
Political
One of the key arguments made by Ulster Unionists is that they are citizens of the United Kingdom and that they share a British or Ulster-Scots identity. Scotland is within visual distance all along the Northern Ireland coastline and some of the islands are only a few kilometres away from the Irish mainland. They relate their identity with the United Kingdom and the British monarchy the same way that Irish nationalists and Republicans relate their identity with an independant, sovreign republic. They also feared that their rights as a people would be under-represented in a majority Catholic parliament.
Economic
North east Ireland was traditionally the most industrialised area of Ireland. Most of the island escaped the industrial revolution and employed an agrarian economy based largely on large landholders (usually British in ethnicity) and poor peasants who rented farmland from landlords. Belfast was a major centre of the textile and shipbuilding industries, with Harland and Wolff employing many thousands in the shipyards. This argument was further reinforced with the advent of the Welfare State in Britain following World War II, with Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants receiving much superior benefits than their southern conterparts.
Southern Ireland has however exploded in the last two decades with the Celtic Tiger economy, and now is more developed than the North and the Unionist economic argument has stagnated.
Religious
Many Unionists fear a Roman Catholic majority legislating against Protestant interests in a united Republic. They summed this up with the old adage; 'Home Rule is Rome Rule'. As the South gained its independance it quickly legislated accordingly, introducing contraceptive bans, illegalising divorce and recognised the Catholic Church in a special position in its 1937 constitution. They also feared the widespread dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in Irish society and the political power it possessed. For example, the Mother and Child scheme was discontinued in the 1950s largely at the behest of the Church's protests. The Irish Republic has however gradually become more secular in recent years, with contraception and Divorce now legalised. Religion has begun to play a much lesser role in people's lives, as the number of nominal Catholics prove.
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