John C. Calhoun

John Calhoun

John Caldwell Calhoun (March 18, 1782 – March 31, 1850) was an American politician. He served as a powerful member of Congress and senator from South Carolina from 1832 to 1843, and from 1845 to 1850. He also served as Vice President of United States from 1825 to 1832 under President John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson, and as an influential Secretary of War, 1817-25. He was usually affiliated with the Democrats, but flirted with the Whig Party and considered running for the presidency. Starting as a leading nationalist and modernizer, after 1828 Calhoun reversed directions and became the foremost spokesman for states rights and slavery. Calhoun was a powerful intellectual leader of the South who aggressively supported slavery, Calhoun expanded the notion of republicanism to include the need to protect minority rights against majority rule; his approach was the "concurrent majority." Increasing distrustful of democracy, he minimized the role of the Second Party System in South Carolina. The leaders of the secession movement in the decade after his death looked to Calhoun as a hero.

Personal life

Like so many ambitious young politicians who cane of age after the Constitution took effect in 1789 (including Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and John Quincy Adams), Calhoun was profoundly shaped by the Founding Fathers' faith in the potential of republican government.

Morals

Calhoun never joined a church, but he closely followed the austere moralism of his Scotch-Irish Presbyterian ancestors, and was never tempted to gamble, womanize, or drink to excess. He was a faithful, if often self-absorbed, partner in a sometimes stormy marriage to his second cousin Floride. Despite his austere image he was a loving and surprisingly permissive father. Calhoun, was also an exemplary slaveholder, who ``probably lived up to the just master's ideal as well as anyone.

Secretary of War: 1817-25

Calhoun continued his role as a leading nationalist during the "Era of Good Feeling" during the Monroe administration, 1817-25. After the war ended in 1815 the "Old Republicans" in Congress, with their Jeffersonian ideology for economy in the federal government, sought at every turn to reduce the operations and finances of the war department. In 1817, the deplorable state of the war department led four men to turn down requests to fill the secretary of war position before Calhoun finally accepted the task. Political rivalry, namely, Calhoun's political ambitions as well as those of William H. Crawford, the secretary of the treasury, over the pursuit of the 1824 presidency also complicated Calhoun's tenure as war secretary.

As secretary, Calhoun's had responsibility for management of Indian affairs. A reform-minded modernizer, he attempted to institute centralization and efficiency in the Indian department, but Congress either failed to respond to his reforms or responded with hostility. Calhoun's frustration with congressional inaction, political rivalries, and ideological differences that dominated the late early republic spurred him to unilaterally create the Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1824.

Nullification

Calhoun agressively championed nullification, which allows individual states to cancel a federal law it considers unconstitutional. It derives from and goes beyond the "Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions" of 1798, written by Jefferson and Masion, that had been a bedrock principle throughout the South; James Madison said Calhoun went too far. He was the secret author of South Carolina Exposition and Protest, a document that advocated the nullification of the Tariff of 1828. The tariff was so high that it was "unconstitutional, unequal and oppressive; and calculated to corrupt public virtue and destroy the liberty of the country." The Exposition was submitted to the South Carolina legislature as a resolution, but it was not passed.

In 1832, the South Carolina legislature passed a resolution that declared the federal tariff of 1828 void. President Andrew Jackson was incensed and the Congress passed the Force Bill, threatening military intervention. The incident was known as the Nullification Crisis. In 1833, Henry Clay helped Jackson and South Carolina to reach a compromise, ending the possibility of an armed invasion of South Carolina.

Most historians argue that nullification (and, in 1860) secession) were reactionary efforts to turn back the abolitionist assault on slavery. Wood (2003) rejects the assumption that Calhoun and his followers were un-American because they resorted to nullification. Woods argues that the longstanding conservative Southern interpretation of republican ideology and its persistence in the South and says the "Nullifiers" viewed their attempts at nullification and secession as well within the framers' views of republicanism. The Constitution produced by the federal convention of 1787 and the structure of the new government that was formed after the Bill of Rights in 1791 further illuminate the significance of the connection between states' rights, nullification, and republicanism.

Slavery

Calhoun was shaped by his own father, Patrick Calhoun, a prosperous backcountry slaveholder who supported the war but opposed ratification of federal Constitution. The father was a model of republican virtue who taught his son that one's standing in society depended not merely on one's commitment to the ideal of popular self government but also on the ownership of a substantial number of slaves. Flourishing in a world in which slaveholding was a badge of civilization, Calhoun saw little reason to question its morality as an adult; he never visited Europe. Calhoun had seen in hiw own state how the spread of slavery into the backcountry improved public morals by ridding the countryside of the shiftless poor whites who had once terrorized the law abiding middle class. Calhoun believed that slavery instilled in the white who remained a code of honor that blunted the disruptive potential of private gain and fostered the civic-mindedness that lay near the core of the republican creed. From such a standpoint, the expansion of slavery into the backcountry decreased the likelihood for social conflict and postponed the declension when money would become the only measure of self worth, as had happened in New England. Calhoun was thus firmly convinced that slavery was the key to the success of the American dream.

On February 6, 1837, John C. Calhoun took the floor of the Senate to declare that slavery was a "positive good." Senator William Rives of Virginia had referred to slavery as an evil that might become a "lesser evil" in some circumstances. Calhoun believed that conceded too much to the abolitionists: "I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good—a positive good. . . . I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other." A year later in the Senate (January 10, 1838), Calhoun repeated this defense of slavery as a "positive good": "Many in the South once believed that it was a moral and political evil; that folly and delusion are gone; we see it now in its true light, and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for free institutions in the world." Calhoun rejected the belief of Southern moderates such as Henry Clay that all Americans could agree on the "opinion and feeling" that slavery was wrong, although they might disagree on the most practicable way to respond to that great wrong.

Political philosophy

Agrarian republicanism

Cheek (2001) distinguishes between two strands of American republican thought—the puritan tradition, based in New England, and the agrarian or South Atlantic tradition. Cheek argues that Calhoun is best understood as a representative of the South Atlantic tradition of agrarian republicanism. While the New England tradition stressed a politically centralized enforcement of moral and religious norms to secure civic virtue, the South Atlantic tradition relied on a decentralized moral and religious order based on the idea of subsidiarity (or localism). Cheek locates the fundamental principles of Calhoun's republicanism in the "Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions" (1798) written by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Calhoun emphasizes the primacy of the idea of subsidiarity: popular rule is best expressed in local communities that are nearly autonomous while serving as units of a larger society.

Concurrent majority

Calhoun's basic concern for protecting the diverse interests of local communities is expressed in his chief contribution to political science—the idea of a concurrent majority as distinguished from a numerical majority. According to the principle of a numerical majority, the will of the more numerous citizens should always rule, regardless of the burdens on the minority. Such a principle tends toward a consolidation of power in which the interests of the absolute majority always prevail over those of the minority. Calhoun believed that the great achievement of the American constitution was in checking the tyranny of a numerical majority through institutional procedures that required a concurrent majority, such that each important interest in the community must consent to the actions of government. To secure a concurrent majority, those interests that have a numerical majority must compromise with the interests that are in the minority. A concurrent majority requires a unanimous consent of all the major interests in a community, which is the only sure way of preventing majority tyranny. This idea supported Calhoun's doctrine of interposition or nullification, in which the state governments could refuse to enforce or comply with a policy of the Federal government that threatened the vital interests of the states.

Disquisition on Government

The Disquisition on Government was a book that incorporated Calhoun's reasoned views on government as seen from the point of view of the permanent minority (the South). Begun in 1843, and virtually finished in 1848, it elaborates the doctrine of his South Carolina Exposition and Protest. Its keynote is the idea of a concurrent majority. Simple majority government always results in despotism over the minority unless some way is devised to secure the assent of all classes, sections, and interests. The argument is close-knit and convincing if one accepts the belief of Calhoun that the states retain absolute sovereignty over the Constitution and can do with it as they wish. This doctrine could be made effective by nullification. But Calhoun believed that the clear recognition of rights on the part of the states on the one hand and of the national majority on the other would prevent matters ever coming to a crisis. South Carolina and other southern states, in the three decades preceding the Civil War, had provided legislatures in which the vested interests of land and slaves dominated in the upper houses, while the popular will of the numerical majority prevailed in the lower houses. This was done in conscious acceptance of the doctrine of the Disquisition. The Disquisition was published shortly after his death as was his other book, Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States.

Bibliography

• Bartlett, Irving H. John C. Calhoun: A Biography (1994), 413pp, the best one-volume scholarly biography; for more details see Wiltse (3 vol 1944-51); Bartlett, while hostile to slavery, portrays Calhoun as a principled, consistent, and often admirable champion of slavery and the South.
• Brown, Guy Story. Calhoun's Philosophy of Politics: A Study of A Disquisition on Government (2000) 435 pp. excerpt and text search
• Capers, Gerald M. John C. Calhoun, Opportunist: A Reappraisal (1960) online edition
• Cheek, H. Lee, Jr. Calhoun and Popular Rule: The Political Theory of the Disquisition and Discourse. (2001). 202 pp. online edition
• Coit, Margaret, L John C. Calhoun: American Portrait 620pp; prize winning popular historyexcerpt and text search
• Current, Richard N. John C. Calhoun (1966), short biography by scholar
• Ford, Lacy K. Jr. "Inventing the Concurrent Majority: Madison, Calhoun, and the Problem of Majoritarianism in American Political Thought," Journal of Southern History 60 (1994): 19-58 in JSTOR
• Ford, Lacy K. Jr. "Republican Ideology in a Slave Society: The Political Economy of John C. Calhoun," Journal of Southern History 54 (1988): 405-24; in JSTOR
• Freehling, William W. "Spoilsmen and Interests in the Thought and Career of John C. Calhoun," Journal of American History 52 (1965): 25-42. in JSTOR
• Freehling, William W. The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay, 1776-1854 - Vol. 1 (1991), scholarly study online edition
• Hofstadter, Richard. "The Marx of the Master Class" in The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, (1948), influential essay on Calhoun.
• Niven, John. John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union: A Biography (1993) excerpt and text search
• Peterson, Merrill D. Great Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun (1987), comparison of three key leaders
• Vajda, Zoltan. "John C. Calhoun's Republicanism Revisited," Rhetoric & Public Affairs, 4#3 Fall 2001, pp. 433-457 in Project Muse
• Wiltse, Charles M. John C. Calhoun, 3 vols. (1944-1951), the standard in-depth scholarly biography

Primary sources

• Calhoun, John Caldwell. A Disquisition on Government edited by Richard Kenner Crallé (1851) 406 pp. online edition
• Calhoun, John C. John C. Calhoun: Selected Writings and Speeches edited by H. Lee Cheek, (2003) excerpt and text search
• Calhoun, John C. Papers of John C. Calhoun (28 volumes, 1959-2003) edited by Clyde N. Wilson et al.
• Wilson, Clyde N. ed. The Essential Calhoun (1992).

External links

• Congressional biography
• South Carolina "Exposition"
• Timeline