Organ theory of government
In Japanese government in the early twentieth century, the organ theory of government dealt with a fundamental question that arose in Japanese governance: was the abstract state supreme and the Emperor was an "organ" of it, or if the Emperor was not merely the symbol of kokutai and a godlike leader? The "Emperor-Organ" theory is usually considered to have been introduced by Tatsukichi Minobe, a member of the faculty of Tokyo University, and a member of the Diet, during the reign of Emperor Taisho.
Introducing the idea
Essentially, Minobe saw the Emperor as the organ of constitutional monarchy. His fellow professor and Diet member, Sakuzo Yoshino advocated a different democratic model, mimpon-shugi. Both incensed members of the Palace and military oligarchies, who did not see Japan as a democracy of any type.[1]
At the time of Meiji's death, his son, the weak Emperor Yosihito, did not have the ability to carry out Meiji's dual role as ruler and the symbol of legitimacy of his rule. While Hirohito had the strength for both, as seen in many of his Rescripts that contain the term kōso kōsō, "the imperial founders of our House and our other imperial ancestors," which speaks to his authority.[2]
Crisis in 1935
By 1935, Minobe was in the House of Peers, and indeed had lectured to Hirohito and his family. In the previous year, he had speculated about a valid role for political parties, under a "whole nation" Prime Minister of Japan such as Prince Konoe or other aristocrat. He also warned against the oversimplifications of militarism and warned against a staff-officer approach.
The radical militarists objected to Minobe's theory, introduced twenty-seven years before, because it prevented them from exercising absolute authority in the name of the Emperor. Another threat, however, came from Baron Takeo Kikuchi,[3]in the House of Peers, introduced quotes from Minobe, which suggested the Emperor did not transcend the state, comprehend the state, or was more than an organ of the state. Kikuchi accused Minobe, and President of the Privy Council Kita Ikki, of heresy, sacrilege, and lese majeste. He called Minobe a "traitor, rebel and academic bandit."
Minobe, now Dean of Law at Tokyo University, did not, at first, see these as religious issues, and responded, in terms of constitutional law, on 25 February 1935. Unfortunately, popular opinion was not interested in constitutional law, but the role and leadership of the Emperor. Retired major general Geto Genkuro, a Chosu officer purged from the Army in the 1920s, formally charged Minobe with the capital offense of lese majeste. It was later reduced to press code violation, but was in the courts for nine months.[4]
References
- ↑ Matsuo Takayoshi (1068), Profile of Asian Minded Man (VII), Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization
- ↑ Herbert P. Bix (2001), Hirohito and the making of modern Japan, Harper Perennial, ISBN 978-0060931308, pp. 38-39
- ↑ Mikiso Hane (2001), Modern Japan: a historical survey (Third Edition ed.), Westview Press, ISBN 978-0813337562, p. 279
- ↑ David Bergamini (1971), Japan's Imperial Conspiracy, Morrow, pp. 590-592